Because of neighborhood with Tehran as capital city, Qom was as a shelter and sanctuary for the various political personalities of Qajar period and however had no importance for political situation but held prominent station because of the presence of the hazrat-e Ma'soumah holy shrine (salamollah alayha) and centrality of shia clergymen. Thereupon, Qom changed to main point against Qajar autarchy, during Constitutional Revolution and migration of clergymen to this city.The presence of clergy scholars in Qom due to coming and going of the political figures and remit of variant telegraphs between Tehran and Qom and increased people's complaint against residential landlords and influentials significant injustice and the people's confrontation against these cruel dictators of whom one was "Motawallibashi". Also implementation of oration against the Qajar reign in the hazrat-e Ma'soumah holy shrine was the most important event at that time that played an effective role for development of Iranian people in contrast to obsolutism and the establishment of Constitutional (Mashrooteh) system.After distributing of constitutional ordinance Qom people continued to their political participation like too many of the country provinces and they formed multiple of syndicates and political societies that had many effects on social and political evolutions of this city after their own deputy selection in the assembly.

After the disintegration of Talesh soil by the Russians during the reign of Fath-Ali Shah Qajar, that remained the southern part of the Gilan province, were divided to the five districts which named Kargan Rud, Asalem, Talshedula, Shanderman and Masall, they were called “ Khamseh Tavalesh” and the leadership of its districts was transferred to five dynasties of local Khans. The ruler of Kargan Rud was Nusrat-ollah Khan(sardar amjad), during the constitutionalism period. The period of the Sardar Amjad`s leadership has been marked as one of the darkest periods in the history of the Talesh due to oppress the unprecedented of the people. Under such condition, in spite of the peasants of Talesh had the background of the rebellion and the oppressive morals and part of the community were not immune from the ruler of khan, they were susceptible and disposed opportunities for rebelling and rioting. The occurrence of social revolutions on the eve of the twentieth century was the culmination of the Russian Social-Democracy Movement in the Neighborhood of Gilan and Tavalesh, and its join with the centers of liberalism in Gilan and the beginning of the anti-authoritarian uprisings in Iran, which was gradually called the constitutionalism revolution, the people of Talesh also stand up and their struggles against the Khan`s oppression and his local supporters and Russian have made join with constitutionalism.

With the victory of the constitutional revolution the constitutionalists did extensive propaganda among Maku villagers to draw them to their side. This propaganda, which was centered on the end of lord-serf relations, became effective and a big rebellion was formed in the Maku villages against the owners and landlords. The following article is based on these two questions: firstly, what were the causes and grounds for the formation of this movement? Secondly: What were the consequences of this movement? By using the data of publications, archival documents and historical books, and with descriptive-analytical method, the main topics of the article will be discussed. The result of this research shows that the unfair lord-serf relations in Maku and the dominance of the Bayat poets over the lives of the peasants, along with the widespread propaganda of the constitutionalists among the villagers, were important factors in the formation of this movement. The confiscation of Khanin's properties, the establishment of village associations and the expulsion of Iqbal al-Saltaneh from Maku were among the most important consequences of this movement. Also, although the constitutionalists of the state of Azerbaijan were the driving force of this movement, they did not provide any support to the Mako peasants in the continuation of the work, and this caused Iqbal al-Saltaneh to severely suppress the Mako peasant movement with the broad support of the autocrats, and the lord-serf system in the villages more severely. established

One of the internal intellectual fields of the constitutional movement of schools, among these schools, we can mention the Rushdieh school, which was founded by one of the intellectuals of the Qajar period, Mirza Hasan Rushdieh, with the influence of the Akhtar newspaper in Tabriz, in a new way, which played an important role. In informing the people before the constitutional movement. During the Qajar period, he demanded a legal government in order to inform the people by spreading new knowledge, and in this way, with the cooperation of intellectuals and cultural friends of his time, he started a hard fight against the illiteracy and tyranny of the Qajar government, and in this way, he endured all the hardships and difficulties. And finally succeeded. The purpose of this research is to deal with the social-cultural role of Rushdieh School in the constitutional movement. The research question is, what role did Rushdieh School play in the constitutional movement? The research method is historical, descriptive-analytical. The method of collecting information is library and document review, and in the library review, the first-hand sources written about Rushdieh School are given priority and are the main sources of research. The findings and results of the research are the cultural-social role of Rushdieh School in informing the people and also the role of this school in the constitutional movement.

Lack of identified farmers’ resources at the national level and the difficulties of organizing them in sporadic villages of Iran caused the farmers not to participate as a social class in the course of the Constitutional Revolution, but during the Constitutionalism, a number of the farmers’ movements took place in some regions of the country. Gilan province was one of the regions whose farmers were involved seriously, almost throughout the region, in the struggle against landowners. The farmers performed various actions to challenge against the landowners during the movement and got benefit from different political groups and parties such as Ejtemā ‘ iyun (the ordinary people), Amiyun (volgur people), Abbasi society and the Social Democrats of Gilan province. The main purpose of the present paper is to investigate, through application of the descriptive– analytic method, the research problem here which is the farmers’ struggle against the landowners during the movement, with regard to the political parties’ supports and based on the historical resources and some published newspapers of the constitutional era. The findings of the research suggest that the farmers during different stages of the movement did various actions such as not paying the landowners’ interest, disagreement with the property owners and sending them out of the villages, and the establishment of rural local societies. After two years of the farmers’ challenging with landowners, despite farmers’ temporary victories, due to lack of the support of the Majlis and state societies of Gilan province from the farmers, finally the farmers’ movement got defeated and the “ Arbab-rayati” system was established once again in Gilan province.

Introduction: Iranian society in the Qajar era (1789-1925) was a kind of authoritarian society. Women in this society were subjected to severe gender oppression. They were deprived of many basic rights (e.g., the right to education, the right to choose, and the freedom of marriage). After the victory of the constitutional revolution (1906), political despotism in Iran was weakened. The victory of the constitutional revolution also strengthened civil society. One of the signs of the strengthening of civil society in Iran was the spread of new social movements such as the women's movement. In fact, the women's movement in Iran emerged after the victory of the constitutional revolution. The movement established newspapers to raise women's awareness. In this way, it succeeded in promoting the idea of gender justice in society. The movement also tried to work in an organized way by establishing women's associations. The women's movement in the constitutional era pursued various demands. They sought to combat the patriarchal discourse in society. The main concern of women's struggles in the constitutional era was the pursuit of equal rights with men and gender equality in various fields. The aim of this study is to identify and analyze the main demands of Iranian women in the constitutional era (1906-1925). In this article, we also answer the question: what did women's demands achieve in the constitutional era?Method: In this study, the activities of Iranian women in the constitutional era were examined using a combination of historical primary sources and historical secondary sources from the constitutional era. By primary sources, in this article, we mean sources and documents recorded by people who lived during the constitutional period. Books, newspapers, documents, and surviving memoirs of people who lived during the constitutional era fall into this category. Secondary sources also include various books and analytical sources written based on primary sources from the constitutional era. This study has attempted to use primary sources as much as possible in its investigation. However, in some cases it has also used historical secondary sources to supplement the information.Finding: The results of this study show that women faced a type of systematic gender discrimination during the constitutional era. This gender discrimination extended to all spheres, from the home to society. Girls were not allowed to go to school; because going to school was only the right of boys. They were not allowed to oppose their husbands' polygamy or their daughters being married off as children because the home was dominated by men. Social traditions also supported men. On the other hand, women had no right to participate in political elections because the right to vote was only for men. Political participation was only the right of men and women had no right to political participation. Therefore, in the constitutional era, the women's movement began a historical struggle for social change in three different areas: 1. "Struggle for women's right to education"; 2. "Struggle to change family laws"; and 3. "Struggle for the right to vote and political participation."Conclusion: In the constitutional era, the women's movement achieved its first demand (i.e., women's right to education). From that point on, girls were able to go to school. The women were not able to achieve their next two demands. But they also worked hard on these two demands. By spreading the idea of gender equality in various newspapers, the women were able to create the social framework for the realization of these demands in the following years. Thanks to the women's efforts, the first law on family and marriage was finally passed in Iran a few years after the Constitutional Revolution and at the beginning of the first Pahlavi's reign (1928). However, women struggled even longer for the right to vote and participate in politics. Finally, women's suffrage was adopted in 1963. These cases show that the women's movement in Iran has been able to achieve different goals in each historical period. With each goal achieved, they focus their efforts on new goals. For this reason, this movement continues.

By using the Communitarianism model, especially with the concept of tradition and rationality and its own good, we have tried to examine the contact and challenge of the left and the clergy, during the Constitutional Movement, in this article. In this paper, it is shown that, the contact and challenge of these traditions, through the fundamental concepts of both of them, made a new rationality that looks at the socio-political sphere, it has a undemocratic and centralist character, that, eventually, this rationality is made in developments and the context of events, leading to the emergence of dictatorship of Reza-Khan.

Constitutional movement is considered a turning point in the history of Shiite thought. During this historical period the first deep confrontation between Islam and West happened in Iran. Offering new concepts and questions through this period including: Shiite jurisprudent, political literature and thought, made Shiite familiar with recognition and responding to ever-changing conditions. Constitutional Movement as a historical event plays a key role in evolutions and attitudes of jurisprudents in Islamic Revolution. Therefore, studying their attitude towards this phenomenon has a great importance. Thus, this article uses historical analytical method to answer this important question: what was the most important reason of him not taking part or even disagreeing with the Constitutional Movement? According to the available documents and evidences it seems that the most important reason for disagreement and acting passive is his attitude and understanding of the network consisting of trusted persons giving him information about Iran’s state, incompatibility and contradiction of Constitutional Movement goals with religious rules and regulations of Islam.

The present paper seeks to investigate the relationship between translation and the intellectual awakening and Constitutional Movement of Iran. To this aim, various historical books and articles were studied, and the views held by the great men of Qajar Iran concerning the relationship between translation and intellectual awakening as well as the contributions made by translated books, news, and plays to the cause of constitution- making were discussed in separate sections. The works were all produced in pre- constitutional Iran (from the establishment of the Qajar Dynasty in 1161 A.H. to the grant of the constitution in 1285 AH) and addressed socio- political issues. The results demonstrated that translation greatly served the cause of the Iranian constitutionalists in the studied era.

In the preceding years to Constitutional movement in Iran, the political thought was transferred from independent monarchy to constitutional monarchy due to the inability to govern the country. Therefore, the participation of people in public affairs was the ultimate way to survival and progression of the country in the constitutionalist thought. Moreover, the community and public (species) were recognized in debates. With respect to the advent of such unit, demand for participation in such generic, public unit was recognized. With the awakening and awareness of the public, the demand for participation in “ the legislation and governance of respublica” was increased, being set as a “ right and share” . In the aforementioned period of Iran’ s Constitutionalism, and with respect to the advent of such new issue, a special category of law named Public Law was introduced as a new public law in Iran. In the present study, after explaining the first sign of advent of public and genre, and demand for participation in generic and public affairs, development of the concept was investigated as the origin of Public Law in Iran.